New 1% NHS pay offer is “a real terms pay cut” and “hammer blow to morale”, says union body
All key workers deserve a decent pay rise, says TUC
The TUC has released new analysis which shows how major groups of NHS workers will be much worse off in real terms in 2021-22 than in 2010.
The analysis shows that following the government’s decision to offer NHS staff a pay rise of just 1% in 2021-22, nurses’ pay will be down as much as £2,500 in real terms compared to a decade ago.
The picture is bleak for many other NHS staff too:
Porters’ pay will be down by up to £850
Maternity care assistants’ pay will be down by up to £2,100
Paramedics’ pay will be down by up to £3,330
Real terms pay loss since 2010
Occupation
Pay 2010
Pay 2010 in 20-21 prices (CPI)
Agenda for change 2020-21 pay
Pay 2021-22 (1% proposed increase)
Real terms pay loss 2010-2021
Porters
£16,753
£20,383
£19,337
£19,530
-£852
Medical secretaries
£18,577
£22,602
£21,142
£21,353
-£1,249
Nursery Nurse
£21,798
£26,521
£24,157
£24,399
-£2,122
Maternity Care Assistants
Speech and Language Therapy Assistants
Team coordinators
Nurses
£27,534
£33,500
£30,615
£30,921
-£2,579
Community nurses
Radiographer Specialist
£34,189
£41,597
£37,890
£38,269
-£3,328
Paramedic
Source: TUC analysis of NHS Agenda for Change Pay scales
The TUC analysis also reveals that NHS workers across many occupations and pay bands will suffer a real-terms pay cut in 2021-22.
For example, an experienced nurse or midwife (NHS band 5) will a face an annual real-terms pay cut of up to £153 in 2021-22 as a result of the planned 1% increase.
Unions have described the latest pay offer to NHS workers as an insult to their hard work and dedication during the pandemic.
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “Our brilliant NHS workers have put their lives on their line to get Britain through this pandemic.
“It’s time we cared for them the way they have cared for us.
“That means giving them the decent pay rise they deserve – not a pathetic 1% increase. After years of real-terms pay cuts the government’s latest offer is a hammer blow to staff morale.
“This boils down to political choices. Ministers have chosen to spend hundreds of millions on outsourcing our failed test and trace system and on dodgy PPE contracts. But they have chosen not to find the money to give nurses, paramedics and other NHS workers fair pay.
“Boosting pay for NHS key workers will help our local businesses and high streets recover faster – because their customers will have more cash to spend. And that will help other workers get a pay rise too.”
BACKLASH
Four major unions – the BMA, the Royal College of Nursing, the Royal College of Midwives and UNISON – have written an open letter to the Chancellor, expressing their dismay at the 1% pay offer made to health workers.
In the letter they ask him to reconsider the recommendation, made to the NHS pay review bodies yesterday, that NHS staff receive a 1% pay rise.
The letter goes on to say: “The proposal of a 1% pay offer, not announced from the despatch box but smuggled out quietly in the days afterwards, fails the test of both honesty and fails to provide staff who have been on the very frontline of the pandemic the fair pay deal they need.
“Our members are the doctors, nurses, midwives, porters, healthcare assistants and more, already exhausted and distressed, who are also expected to go on caring for the millions of patients on waiting lists, coping with a huge backlog of treatment as well as caring for those with COVID-19.”
The unions make clear that the Government should demonstrate that it recognises the contribution of the hundreds of thousands of workers who have literally kept the country alive for the past year and call upon the Chancellor to, “make the right choice”.
Madam Deputy Speaker, A year ago, in my first Budget, I announced our initial response to coronavirus.
What was originally thought to be a temporary disruption to our way of life has fundamentally altered it.
People are still being told to stay in their homes; businesses have been ordered to close; thousands of people are in hospital.
Much has changed.
But one thing has stayed the same. I said I would do whatever it takes; I have done; and I will do so.
We have announced over £280 billion of support, protecting jobs, keeping businesses afloat, helping families get by.
Despite this unprecedented response, the damage coronavirus has done to our economy has been acute. Since March, over 700,000 people have lost their jobs.
Our economy has shrunk by 10% – the largest fall in over 300 years.
Our borrowing is the highest it has been outside of wartime.
It’s going to take this country – and the whole world – a long time to recover from this extraordinary economic situation.
But we will recover.
This Budget meets the moment with a three-part plan to protect the jobs and livelihoods of the British people.
First, we will continue doing whatever it takes to support the British people and businesses through this moment of crisis.
Second, once we are on the way to recovery, we will need to begin fixing the public finances – and I want to be honest today about our plans to do that.
And, third, in today’s Budget we begin the work of building our future economy.
Madam Deputy Speaker, Today’s forecasts show that our response to coronavirus is working.
The Prime Minister last week set out our cautious but irreversible roadmap to ease restrictions whilst protecting the British people.
The NHS, deserving of immense praise, has had extraordinary success in vaccinating more than 20 million people across the United Kingdom.
And combined with our economic response, one of the most comprehensive and generous in the world, this means the Office for Budget Responsibility are now forecasting, in their words:
“A swifter and more sustained recovery” than they expected in November.
The OBR now expect the economy to return to its pre-covid level by the middle of next year – six months earlier than previously thought.
That means growth is faster, unemployment lower, wages higher, investment higher, household incomes higher.
But while our prospects are now stronger, coronavirus has done and is still doing profound damage.
And today’s forecasts make clear repairing the long-term damage will take time.
The OBR still expect that in five years’ time, because of coronavirus, our economy will be 3% smaller than it would have been.
Before I share the detail of the OBR’s forecasts, let me thank Richard Hughes and his team for their work.
The OBR forecast that our economy will grow this year by 4%, by 7.3% in 2022, then 1.7%, 1.6% and 1.7% in the last three years of the forecast.
And the OBR have said that our interventions to support jobs have worked.
In July last year, they expected unemployment to peak at 11.9%. Today, because of our interventions, they forecast a much lower peak: 6.5%.
That means 1.8 million fewer people are expected to be out of work than previously thought.
But every job lost is a tragedy, which is why protecting, creating and supporting jobs remains my highest priority.
So, Madam Deputy Speaker, Let me turn straight away to the first part of this Budget’s plan: to protect the jobs and livelihoods of the British people through the remaining phase of this crisis.
First, the furlough scheme will be extended until the end of September.
For employees, there will be no change to the terms – they will continue to receive 80% of their salary, for hours not worked, until the scheme ends.
As businesses reopen, we’ll ask them to contribute alongside the taxpayer to the cost of paying their employees.
Nothing will change until July, when we will ask for a small contribution of just 10% and 20% in August and September.
The Government is proud of the furlough – one of the most generous schemes in the world, effectively protecting millions of people’s jobs and incomes.
Second, support for the self-employed will also continue until September with a fourth grant covering the period February to April, and a fifth and final grant from May onwards.
The fourth grant will provide three months of support at 80% of average trading profits.
For the fifth grant, people will continue to receive grants worth three months of average profits, with the system open for claims from late July.
But as the economy reopens over the summer, it is fair to target our support towards those most affected by the pandemic.
So people whose turnover has fallen by 30% or more will continue to receive the full 80% grant.
People whose turnover has fallen by less than 30% will therefore have less need of taxpayer support and will receive a 30% grant.
And I can also announce a major improvement in access to the self-employed scheme.
When the scheme was launched, the newly self-employed couldn’t qualify because they hadn’t all filed the 2019-20 tax return.
But as the tax return deadline has now passed, I can announce today that, provided they filed a tax return by midnight last night, over 600,000 more people, many of whom became self-employed last year can now claim the fourth and fifth grants.
Over the course of this crisis, we will have spent £33 billion supporting the self-employed; one of the most generous programmes for self-employed people anywhere in the world.
Third, we’re also extending our support for the lowest paid and most vulnerable.
To support low-income households, the Universal Credit uplift of £20 a week will continue for a further six months, well beyond the end of this national lockdown.
We’ll provide Working Tax Credit claimants with equivalent support for the next six months.
And Because of the way that system works operationally, we will need to do so with a one-off payment of £500.
And over the course of this year, as the economy begins to recover, we are shifting our resources and focus towards getting people into decent, well-paid jobs.
We reaffirm our commitment to end low pay, increasing the National Living Wage to £8.91 from April – an annual pay rise of almost £350 for someone working full time on the National Living Wage.
And My Right Honourable Friends the Education Secretary and the Work and Pensions Secretary, are taking action to give people the skills they need to get jobs or get better jobs:
The Restart programme – supporting over a million long term unemployed people.
The number of work coaches – doubled.
The Kickstart scheme – funding high quality jobs for over a quarter of a million young people.
The Prime Minister’s Lifetime Skills Guarantee – giving every adult the opportunity for a fully-funded Level 3 qualification.
And we want businesses to hire new apprentices so we’re paying them more to do it.
Today, I am doubling the incentive payments we give businesses to £3,000 – that’s for all new apprentice hires, of any age.
Alongside investing £126 million of new money to triple the number of traineeships we’re taking what works to get people into jobs and making it better.
Madam Deputy Speaker, One of the hidden tragedies of lockdown has been the increase in domestic abuse.
So I’m announcing today an extra £19 million – on top of the £125 million we announced at the Spending Review – for domestic violence programmes to reduce the risk of reoffending, and to pilot a network of ‘Respite Rooms’ to provide specialist support for vulnerable homeless women.
To recognise the sacrifices made by so many women and men in the Armed Forces community, I’m providing an additional £10 million to support veterans with mental health needs.
And, on current plans, the funding to support survivors of the Thalidomide scandal runs out in 2023.
They deserve better than to have constant uncertainty about the future costs of their care.
So not only will I extend this funding with an initial down payment of around £40 million; I am today announcing a lifetime commitment, guaranteeing funding forever.
And let me thank the Thalidomide Trust and the Honourable Member for North Dorset for their leadership on this important issue.
As well as supporting people’s jobs, incomes, the lowest paid and most vulnerable, this Budget also protects businesses.
We’ve been providing businesses with direct cash grants through the recent restrictions. These grants come to an end in March.
I can announce today that we will provide a new Restart Grant in April, to help businesses reopen and get going again.
Non-essential retail businesses will open first, so they’ll receive grants of up to £6,000 per premises.
Hospitality and leisure businesses, including personal care and gyms, will open later, or be more impacted by restrictions when they do, so we’ll give them grants of up to £18,000.
That’s £5 billion of new grants; on top of the £20 billion we’ve already provided; taking our direct total cash support to business to £25 billion.
And I pay tribute to My Right Honourable Friend the Member for Romsey and Southampton North for highlighting the particular needs of the personal care sector.
And, with My Right Honourable Friend the Culture Secretary, we’re making available £700 million to support our incredible arts, culture and sporting institutions as they reopen;
Backing the United Kingdom and Ireland’s joint 2030 World Cup bid, launching a new approach to apprenticeships in the creative industries, and extending our £500 million film and TV production restart scheme.
Even with the new Restart Grants, some businesses will also need loans to see them through.
As the Bounce Back Loan and CBIL programmes come to an end, we’re introducing a new Recovery Loan Scheme to take their place.
Businesses of any size can apply for loans from £25,000 up to £10 million, through to the end of this year. And the government will provide a guarantee to lenders of 80%.
Last year, we provided an unprecedented 100% business rates holiday, in England, for all eligible businesses in the retail, hospitality and leisure sectors – a tax cut worth £10 billion.
This year, we’ll continue with the 100% business rates holiday for the first three months of the year, in other words, through to the end of June.
For the remaining nine months of the year, business rates will still be discounted by two thirds, up to a value of £2 million for closed businesses, with a lower cap for those who have been able to stay open.
A £6 billion tax cut for business.
One of the hardest hit sectors has been hospitality and tourism: 150,000 businesses that employ over 2.4 million people need our support.
To protect those jobs, I can confirm that the 5% reduced rate of VAT will be extended for six months to 30th September.
And even then, we won’t go straight back to the 20% rate.
We’ll have an interim rate of 12.5% for another six months; not returning to the standard rate until April of next year.
In total, we’re cutting VAT next year by almost £5 billion.
Madam Deputy Speaker, The housing sector supports over half a million jobs.
The cut in stamp duty I announced last summer has helped hundreds of thousands of people buy a home and supported the economy at a critical time.
But due to the sheer volume of transactions we’re seeing, many new purchases won’t complete in time for the end of March.
So I can announce today the £500,000 nil rate band will not end on the 31st of March, it will end on the 30th of June.
Then, to smooth the transition back to normal, the nil rate band will be £250,000, double its standard level, until the end of September – and we will only return to the usual level of £125,000 from October 1st.
Even with the stamp duty cut, there is still a significant barrier to people getting on the housing ladder – the cost of a deposit.
So I’m announcing today a new policy to stand behind homebuyers: a mortgage guarantee.
Lenders who provide mortgages to home buyers who can only afford a five percent deposit, will benefit from a government guarantee on those mortgages.
And I’m pleased to say that several of the country’s largest lenders including Lloyds, NatWest, Santander, Barclays and HSBC will be offering these 95% mortgages from next month, and I know more, including Virgin Money will follow shortly after.
A policy that gives people who can’t afford a big deposit the chance to buy their own home.
As the Prime Minister has said, we want to turn Generation Rent into Generation Buy.
So, Madam Deputy Speaker:
The furlough – extended to September.
Self-employed grants – extended to September.
Universal Credit uplift – extended to September.
More money to tackle domestic violence.
Bigger incentives to hire apprentices.
Higher grants to struggling businesses.
Extra funds for culture, arts and sport.
New loan schemes to finance businesses.
Kickstart, Restart, a Lifetime Skills Guarantee.
Business rates – cut.
VAT – cut.
Stamp duty – cut.
And a new mortgage guarantee.
The first part of a Budget that protects the jobs and livelihoods of the British people.
And, Madam Deputy Speaker, As you can see, we’re going long, extending our support well beyond the end of the Roadmap…
… to accommodate even the most cautious view about the time it might take to exit the restrictions.
Let me summarise for the House the scale of our total fiscal response to coronavirus.
At this Budget we are announcing an additional £65 billion of measures over this year and next to support the economy in response to coronavirus.
Taking into account the significant support announced at the Spending Review 20, this means our total COVID support package, this year and next, is £352 billion.
Once you include the measures announced at Spring Budget last year, including the step change in capital investment, total fiscal support from this Government over this year and next amounts to £407 billion.
Coronavirus has caused one of the largest, most comprehensive and sustained economic shocks this country has ever faced.
And, by any objective analysis, this Government has delivered one of the largest, most comprehensive and sustained responses this country has ever seen.
So, Madam Deputy Speaker, We’re using the full measure of our fiscal firepower to protect the jobs and livelihoods of the British people.
But the damage done by coronavirus, combined with a level of support unimaginable only twelve months ago, has created huge challenges for our public finances.
The OBR’s fiscal forecasts show that this year, we have borrowed a record amount: £355 billion.
That’s 17% of our national income, the highest level of borrowing since World War Two.
Next year, as we continue our unprecedented response to this crisis, borrowing is forecast to be £234 billion, 10.3% of GDP – an amount so large it has only one rival in recent history; this year.
Without corrective action, borrowing would continue at very high levels, leaving underlying debt rising indefinitely.
Instead, because of the steps I am taking today, borrowing falls to 4.5% of GDP in 22-23, 3.5% in 23-24, then 2.9% and 2.8% in the following two years.
And while underlying debt rises from 88.8% of GDP this year to 93.8% next year, it then peaks at 97.1% in 2023-24, before stabilising and falling slightly to 97% and 96.8% in the final two years of the forecast.
Let me explain why this matters.
The amount we’ve borrowed is comparable only with the amount we borrowed during the two world wars.
It is going to be the work of many governments, over many decades, to pay it back.
Just as it would be irresponsible to withdraw support too soon, it would also be irresponsible to allow our future borrowing and debt to rise unchecked.
When crises come, we need to be able to act.
And we need the fiscal freedom to act.
A freedom that you only have if you start with public finances in a good and strong place.
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When the next crisis comes, we need to be able to act again.
And while our borrowing costs are affordable right now, interest rates and inflation may not stay low for ever; and just a 1% increase in both would cost us over £25 billion.
And as we have seen in the markets over the last few weeks, sovereign bond yields can rise sharply.
This Budget is not the time to set detailed fiscal rules, with precise targets and dates to achieve them by – I don’t believe that would be sensible.
But I do want to be honest about what I mean by sustainable public finances, and how I plan to achieve them. Our fiscal decisions are guided by three principles.
First, while it is right to help people and businesses through an acute crisis like this one, in normal times the state should not be borrowing to pay for everyday public spending.
Second, over the medium term, we cannot allow our debt to keep rising, and, given how high our debt now is, we need to pay close attention to its affordability.
And third, it is sensible to take advantage of lower interest rates to invest in capital projects that can drive our future growth.
So the question is how we achieve that; how we balance the extraordinary support we are providing to the economy right now, with the need to begin the work of fixing our public finances.
I have and always will be honest with the country about the challenges we face.
So I’m announcing today two measures to begin that work.
Let me take each in turn.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
Our response to coronavirus has been fair, with the poorest households benefiting the most from our interventions.
And our approach to fixing the public finances will be fair too, asking more of those people and businesses who can afford to contribute and protecting those who cannot.
So this government is not going to raise the rates of income tax, national insurance, or VAT.
Instead, our first step is to freeze personal tax thresholds.
We’ve nearly doubled the income tax personal allowance over the last decade, making it the most generous of any G20 country.
We will of course deliver our promise to increase it again next year to £12,570, but we will then keep it at this more generous level until April 2026.
The Higher Rate threshold will similarly be increased next year, to £50,270, and will then also remain at that level for the same period.
Nobody’s take home pay will be less than it is now, as a result of this policy.
But I want to be clear with all Members that this policy does remove the incremental benefit created had thresholds continued to increase with inflation.
We are not hiding it, I am here, explaining it to the House and it is in the Budget document in black and white. It is a tax policy that is progressive and fair.
And, I will also maintain, at their current levels, until April 2026:
The inheritance tax thresholds.
The pensions lifetime allowance.
The annual exempt amount in capital gains tax.
And, for two years from April 2022, the VAT registration threshold which, at £85,000, will remain more than twice as generous as the EU and OECD averages.
We’ll also tackle fraud in our covid schemes, with £100m to set up a new HMRC taskforce of around 1,000 investigators as well as new measures, and new investment in HMRC, to clamp down on tax avoidance and evasion.
The full details are set out in the Red Book.
Madam Deputy Speaker, The government is providing businesses with over £100 billion of support to get through this pandemic, so it is fair and necessary to ask them to contribute to our recovery.
So the second step I am taking today is that in 2023, the rate of corporation tax, paid on company profits, will increase to 25%.
Even after this change the United Kingdom will still have the lowest corporation tax rate in the G7 – lower than the United States, Canada, Italy, Japan, Germany and France.
We’re also introducing some crucial protections.
First, this new higher rate won’t take effect until April 2023, well after the point when the OBR expect the economy to have recovered.
And even then, because corporation tax is only charged on company profits, any struggling businesses will, by definition, be unaffected.
Second, I’m protecting small businesses with profits of £50,000 or less, by creating a Small Profits Rate, maintained at the current rate of 19%.
This means around 70% of companies – 1.4 million businesses – will be completely unaffected.
And third, we will introduce a taper above £50,000, so that only businesses with profits of a quarter of a million or greater will be taxed at the full 25% rate.
That means only 10% of all companies will pay the full higher rate.
So yes, it’s a tax rise on company profits. But only on the larger, more profitable companies. And only in two years’ time.
And I wanted to announce this now because I think for business, certainty matters.
For the next two years, I’m also making the tax treatment of losses significantly more generous by allowing businesses to carry back losses of up to £2 million for three years providing a significant cash flow benefit. This means companies can now claim additional tax refunds of up to £760,000.
And because of the current 8% bank surcharge, the implied overall tax rate for banks would be too high. So we will review the surcharge, to make sure the combined rate of tax on the United Kingdom banking sector doesn’t increase significantly from its current level and to make sure this important industry remains internationally competitive.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
These are significant decisions to have taken.
Decisions no Chancellor wants to make.
I recognise they might not be popular.
But they are honest.
And let’s consider the alternatives.
The first is to do nothing.
To leave our deficit problem untreated.
Our debt problem for someone else in future to deal with.
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And Nor do I believe it can be the way of a responsible Chancellor.
Another alternative would be to try to find all the savings we need from public spending.
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The only other alternative would be to increase the rates of tax on working people – but I don’t believe that would be right either.
So I believe our approach, while bold, is compatible with our duty as a fiscally responsible and business friendly government.
This is the right choice and I’m confident it will command public assent.
I have one final announcement on business tax.
With the lowest corporation tax in the G7, and a new, small profits rate, the United Kingdom will have a pro-business tax regime.
But we need to do even more to encourage businesses to invest right now.
Business investment creates jobs, lifts growth, spurs innovation and drives productivity.
For decades we’ve lagged behind our international peers.
Right now, while many businesses are struggling, others have been able to build up significant cash reserves.
We need to unlock that investment; we need an investment-led recovery.
So today I can announce the ‘Super Deduction’.
For the next two years, when companies invest, they can reduce their taxable profits* not just by a proportion of the cost of that investment, as they do now or even by 100% of their cost, the so-called full expensing some have called for, with the Super Deduction they can now reduce their taxable profits by 130% of the cost.
Let me give the House an example.
Under the existing rules, a construction firm buying £10 million of new equipment could reduce their taxable income, in the year they invest, by just £2.6 million.
With the Super Deduction, they can now reduce it by £13 million.
We’ve never tried this before in our country.
The OBR have said it will boost business investment by 10%; around £20 billion more per year.
It makes our tax regime for business investment truly world-leading, lifting us from 30th in the OECD, to 1st. And, worth £25 billion during the two-years it is in place this will be the biggest business tax cut in modern British history.
Bold, unprecedented action.
To get companies investing.
Creating jobs.
And driving our economic recovery.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
Let me now turn to duties.
This is a tough time for hospitality.
So I can confirm that the planned increases in duties for:
Spirits like scotch whisky.
Wine.
Cider.
And beer, will all be cancelled.
All alcohol duties frozen for the second year in a row – only the third time in two decades.
And right now, to keep the cost of living low, I’m not prepared to increase the cost of a tank of fuel. So the planned increase in fuel duty is also cancelled.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
This Budget protects the jobs and livelihoods of the British people.
This Budget is honest about the challenges facing our public finances, and how we will begin to fix them. And this Budget does one other thing:
It lays the foundations of our future economy – the third part of our plan.
If we want a better future economy, we have to make it happen.
We have to do things that have never been done before.
The world is not going to be any less competitive after coronavirus.
So it’s not enough to have some general desire to grow the economy.
We need a real commitment to green growth.
It’s not enough to have a general desire to increase productivity.
We need a real commitment to give every business, large or small, the opportunity to grow, innovate and succeed. It’s not enough to have a general desire to create jobs.
We need a real commitment to create jobs where people are and change the economic geography of this country.
And we can’t strengthen our domestic economy without remaining a global, outward-looking nation.
This future economy won’t be created in any one Budget, but today we lay the foundations.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
Our future economy needs investment in green industries across the United Kingdom. So I can announce today the first ever UK Infrastructure Bank.
Located in Leeds, the Bank will invest across the United Kingdom in public and private projects to finance the green industrial revolution.
Beginning this spring, it will have an initial capitalisation of £12 billion and we expect it to support at least £40 billion of total investment in infrastructure.
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Offshore wind is an innovative industry where the United Kingdom already has a global competitive advantage. So we’re funding new port infrastructure to build the next generation of offshore wind projects in Teesside and Humberside.
And in November I announced we would launch a world-leading Sovereign Green Bond.
Today we’re going further, announcing a new, retail savings product to give all United Kingdom savers the chance to support green projects…
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We’ve also asked Dame Clara Furse to establish a new group to position the City as the global leader for voluntary, high quality carbon offset markets.
And underpinning all of this will be an updated monetary policy remit for the Bank of England. It reaffirms their 2% target.
But now, it will also reflect the importance of environmental sustainability and the transition to net zero.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
Our future economy will also address our productivity problem and support small businesses.
Too often smaller firms don’t have the time or resources to acquire the extra skills and training they need to be more efficient, more digital, and more productive.
Thanks to Be the Business, we have made a good start at supporting these firms.
Today, the Business Secretary and I are going further with a new set of UK-wide schemes: Help to Grow.
First, Help to Grow: Management will help tens of thousands of small and medium sized businesses get world-class management training.
Dozens of business schools across the United Kingdom will offer a new executive development programme with mentoring and peer learning, and government will contribute 90% of the cost.
A real commitment to learn more, make more and earn more.
Second, Help to Grow: Digital.
With the pandemic, many businesses have moved online. This has been a challenge. But we want to turn it into an opportunity.
We’re going to help small businesses develop digital skills by giving them free expert training and a 50% discount on new productivity-enhancing software, worth up to £5,000 each.
Both programmes will commence by the autumn; and I’d urge interested businesses to register today on Gov.UK/HelpToGrow.
A real commitment to help over a hundred thousand businesses become more innovative, more competitive and more profitable.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
A future economy requires us to be at the forefront of the next scientific and technological revolutions.
Becoming a scientific superpower is something we can be; I don’t think that’s hubristic or unrealistic.
Our incredible vaccination programme has shown the world what this country is capable of.
So I’m providing an extra £1.6 billion today to continue the rollout and improve our future preparedness.
And I want to make the United Kingdom the best place in the world for high growth, innovative companies.
So I’m launching two wide-ranging consultations today: to make sure our research and development tax reliefs – and our Enterprise Management Incentives – are internationally competitive.
And, My Right Honourable Friend the Home Secretary knows that a scientific superpower needs scientific superstars so together we’re announcing ambitious, visa reforms aimed at highly skilled migrants, including:
A new unsponsored points-based visa to attract the best and most promising international talent in science, research and tech.
New, improved visa processes for scale-ups and entrepreneurs.
And radically simplified bureaucracy for high skilled visa applications.
Now as well as support for innovation and access to talent, high growth firms need access to capital.
To do that, we’re taking steps to give the pensions industry more flexibility to unlock billions of pounds from pension funds into innovative new ventures launching a new Future Fund Breakthrough, to help fill the scale-up funding gapand changing the rules to encourage more companies to list here.
Let me thank Lord Hill for leading this landmark review, the FCA will be consulting on his proposals very shortly.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
Our future economy depends on remaining a United Kingdom.
Millions of families and businesses in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have contributed to and benefitted from our coronavirus response.
And central to that has been a Treasury that acts for the whole United Kingdom.
That’s not a political point, it’s an undeniable truth.
The majority of today’s Budget measures will apply directly to people in all four nations of the United Kingdom. And I’m taking further specific steps, with:
Three accelerated Scottish City and Growth Deals in Ayrshire, Argyll and Bute, and Falkirk;
Three more in North Wales, Mid Wales, and Swansea Bay;
And funding for the Holyhead hydrogen hub.
The Global Centre of Rail Excellence in Neath Port Talbot.
The Aberdeen Energy Transition Zone.
As well as the Global Underwater Hub and the North Sea transition deal.
Along with the first allocations of the £400m New Deal for Northern Ireland.
And through the Barnett formula, the decisions I’m taking in this Budget also increase the funding for the devolved administrations, by:
£1.2 billion in Scotland;
£740 million in Wales;
And £410 million for the Northern Ireland executive.
And Madam Deputy Speaker,
Our future economy demands a different economic geography.
If we are serious about wanting to level up, that starts with the institutions of economic power.
Few institutions are more powerful than the one I am enormously privileged to lead – the Treasury.
Along with the other critical economic departments, including BEIS, DIT, and MHCLG, we will establish a new economic campus in Darlington.
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Redrawing our economic map means rebalancing our economic investment.
I have already revised the Treasury’s Green Book; and set out the highest sustained levels of public investment across the United Kingdom since the 1970s.
But we can go further.
I’m announcing today over a billion for 45 new Towns Deals.
From Castleford to Clay Cross; Rochdale to Rowley Regis; and Whitby to Wolverhampton.
And let me pay tribute to local leaders like the brilliant Mayor for the West Midlands, Andy Street, who are making the case for investment in their area.
We’re also creating a £150 million fund, to help communities across the United Kingdom take ownership of pubs, theatres, shops, or local sports clubs at risk of loss – putting more power in the hands of local people.
And I am launching the first round of the Levelling Up Fund today, inviting applications from local areas across the United Kingdom.
And I’m grateful to My Right Honourable Friends the Transport Secretary and the Communities Secretary for their support on this crucial initiative.
Madam Deputy Speaker,
I have one final announcement that exemplifies the future economy.
A policy on a scale we’ve never done before;
A policy to bring investment, trade, and, most importantly, jobs, right across this country.
To replace the industries of the past with green, innovative, fast growing new businesses.
To encourage free trade and reinforce our position as an outward-looking, trading nation, open to the world. A policy we can only pursue now we’re outside the European Union:
Freeports.
Freeports are special economic zones with different rules to make it easier and cheaper to do business. They’re well-established internationally, but we’re taking a unique approach.
Our Freeports will have:
Simpler planning – to allow businesses to build;
Infrastructure funding – to improve transport links;
Cheaper customs – with favourable tariffs, VAT or duties;
And lower taxes – with tax breaks to encourage construction, private investment and job creation. An unprecedented economic boost across the United Kingdom.
Freeports will be a truly UK-wide policy – and we’ll work constructively with the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish administrations.
Today, I can announce the eight freeport locations in England:
East Midlands Airport.
Felixstowe and Harwich.
Humber.
Liverpool City Region.
Plymouth.
Solent.
Thames.
And Teesside.
Eight new Freeports in eight English regions unlocking billions of pounds of private sector investment, generating trade and jobs up and down the country.
I commend Members from across the House for their campaigning…
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Madam Deputy Speaker,
Let’s take just one of those places – Teesside.
In the past, it was known for its success in industries like steel.
Now, when I look to the future of Teesside I see old industrial sites being used to capture and store carbon. Vaccines being manufactured.
Offshore wind turbines creating clean energy for the rest of the country.
All located within a Freeport with the Treasury just down the road and the UK Infrastructure Bank only an hour away.
I see innovative, fast-growing businesses hiring local people into decent, well-paid, green jobs.
I see people designing, manufacturing and exporting incredible new products and services.
I see people putting down roots in places they are proud to call home.
I see a people optimistic and ambitious for their future.
That, Madam Deputy Speaker, is the future economy of this country.
And so, whilst this last year has been a test unlike any other, that which we are, we are.
The fundamentals of our character as a people have not changed.
Still determined. Still generous. Still fair.
That’s what got us through the last year; it’s what will guide us through the next decade and beyond.
This time last year we set out to deliver on the promises we made to the British people.
But the most important promise was implicit and, in truth, is made by every government, irrespective of their politics.
And that is to do what must be done, when the danger is imminent, and when no one else can.
Today we set out a plan to protect the jobs and livelihoods of the British people, but the promises that underpin that plan, remain unchanged from those we pledged ourselves to twelve long months ago.
To unite and lead.
To level up.
To create a world class education system.
To keep our streets safe.
To keep our NHS strong.
To support the most vulnerable.
To reform and improve public services.
To grow the economy.
To spread prosperity.
To extend the awesome power of opportunity to all corners of the United Kingdom.
And, yes to be honest and fair in all that we do.
Madam Deputy Speaker.
An important moment is upon us.
A moment of challenge and of change.
Of difficulties, yes, but of possibilities too.
This is a Budget that meets that moment.
And I commend it to the House.
Keir Starmer MP, Leader of the Labour Party, responding to the Budget, said:
Thank you Madam Deputy Speaker. After 11 months in this job it’s nice finally to be standing opposite the person actually making decisions in this Government.
The trouble is, the trouble is, it’s those decisions that have left us with the mess we find today. The worst economic crisis of any major economy in the last 12 months, unemployment at five per cent and as the Chancellor said, forecast to rise to 6.5 per cent, debt at over £2 trillion.
I’m sure this Budget will look better on Instagram.
In fact, this week’s PR video cost the taxpayer so much, I was half expecting to see a line in the OBR forecast for it.
But even the Chancellor’s film crew will struggle to put a positive spin on this. After the decisions of the last year and the decade of neglect, we needed a Budget to fix the foundations of our economy, to reward our key workers, to protect the NHS and to build a more secure and prosperous economy for the future.
Instead, what we got was a Budget that papered over the cracks, rather than rebuilding the foundations. A Budget that shows the Government doesn’t understand what went wrong in the last decade or what’s needed in the next.
The Chancellor may think that this is the time for a victory lap but I’m afraid this Budget won’t feel so good for the millions of key workers who are having their pay frozen, for the businesses swamped by debt and the families paying more in council tax and the millions of people who are out of work or worried about losing their job.
And although the Chancellor spoke for almost an hour, we heard nothing about a long-term plan to fix social care.
The Chancellor might have forgotten about it, but the Labour Party never will.
The British people will rightly ask: why has Britain suffered a worse economic crisis than any major economy? The answer is staring us in the face.
First, the Chancellor’s decisions in the last year.
This is the Chancellor who blocked a circuit break in September, ignoring the science he told the British people to “live with coronavirus and live without fear.”
A few weeks later, we were forced into an even longer and more painful lockdown. Whatever spin the Chancellor tries to put on the figures today, as a result of his decisions, we’ve suffered deeper economic damage and much worse outcomes.
And Madam Deputy Speaker, that is nothing compared with a decade of political choices that meant Britain went into this crisis with an economy built on insecurity and inequality.
The Chancellor referred to the last 10 years, we’ve got an economy as a result of those 10 years with 3.6 million people in insecure work; where wages stagnated for a decade; over four million children living in poverty and, critically, we went into this crisis with 100,000 unfilled posts in the NHS and where social care was ignored and underfunded for a decade. Members Opposite voted for all of that. Today’s Budget doesn’t even recognise that – let alone rectify it.
It’s clear that the Chancellor is now betting on a recovery fuelled by a consumer spending blitz.
In fairness, if my next door neighbour was spending tens of thousands of pounds redecorating their flat, I’d probably do the same.
But the central problem in our economy is a deep-rooted insecurity and inequality and this Budget isn’t the answer to that. The Chancellor barely mentioned inequality – let alone tried to address it.
So rather than the big, transformative Budget we needed this Budget simply papers over the cracks. If this had been a Budget for the long-term it would have had a plan.
A plan to protect our NHS, a plan to fix social care.
But I can tell you this, a Labour Budget would have had the NHS and care homes front and centre.
But this Budget is almost silent on those questions.
If this had been a Budget to rebuild the foundations, it would have fixed our broken social security system.
Instead, the Chancellor has been dragged – kicking and screaming – to extend the £20 uplift in Universal Credit – but only for a few months.
Once again deferring the problem. As a result, insecurity and the threat of losing £1,000 a year still hang over six million families. They ask what would we do, we would keep the uplift until a new, fairer system can be put in place.
If this Budget was serious about rebuilding our shattered economy, it would have included a credible plan to tackle unemployment.
The Chancellor said very little about the Kickstart scheme that’s no doubt because the Kickstart is only helping one in every 100 eligible young people.
In six months it supported just 2,000 young people, yet youth unemployment is set to reach one million. Like so much of this Budget – the Chancellor’s offer is nowhere near the scale of the task. And of course the biggest challenge to this country is the climate emergency.
The Chancellor just talked up his green credentials, but his Budget stops way short of what was needed or what’s happening in other countries.
This Budget should have included a major green stimulus – bringing forward billions of pounds of investment to create new jobs and new green infrastructure. Instead, the Government is trying to build a new coal mine which we now learn might not even work for British steel. If anything sums up this Government’s commitment to a green recovery and jobs of the future, it’s building a coal mine we can’t even use.
If the Government was serious about tackling insecurity and those most at risk from Covid, this Budget would have fixed the broken system of statutory sick pay and at the very least filled the glaring holes in isolation payments.
This isn’t difficult to fix – the Government should just make the £500 isolation payment available to everyone who needs it. That would be money well spent. And a year into the pandemic, it’s a disgrace that it’s not. If the Government were serious about fixing the broken housing market, it would have announced plans for a new generation of genuinely affordable council houses.
Instead, 230,000 council homes have been lost since 2010.
Yet the Chancellor focused today on returning to subsiding 95 per cent mortgages.
Now, I know what you’re thinking, I’ve heard that somewhere before. I’ve heard that somewhere before. Maybe it was because the Prime Minister announced it five months ago in his conference speech.
No, I don’t think anybody heard that. I remember now, I remember now – it’s what Osborne and Cameron came up with in 2013. And what did that do? What did that do?
It fuelled a housing bubble, it pushed up prices, and made owning a home more difficult.
So much for “generation buy.”
I’ve been saying for weeks that this budget will go back.
I didn’t expect the Chancellor to lift a failed policy from eight years ago. This Budget fell far short of the transformative change we needed to turbocharge our recovery for the decades to come. There was no credible plan to ease the burden of debt hanging over so many businesses. This is estimated at £70bn.
This Budget asks businesses to start paying this money back whether they’re profitable or not.
That affects millions of businesses, it will hold back growth because businesses will have to pay back money they never wanted to borrow instead of being able to invest in their futures and create jobs in their local areas.
It’s both unfair and economically illiterate.
This Budget also fell far short of what was needed to support the self-employed and freelancers, unless, of course, you’re one of the Chancellor’s photographers.
After a year of inaction, we’ll look at the details of what the Chancellor announced, but it certainly looks like, from the figure of 600,000 that he mentioned, that millions will still be left out in the cold.
The Chancellor’s one nominally long-term policy was his references to “levelling up.”
But what does this actually look like? It’s not the transformative shift in power, wealth and resources we need to rebalance our economy.
It’s not the bold, long-term plan we need to upskill our economy, to tackle educational attainment or to raise life-expectancy.
It certainly isn’t a plan to focus government’s resources on preventative services and early years. For the Chancellor “levelling up” seems to mean moving some parts of the Treasury to Darlington, creating a few freeports and re-announcing funding. That isn’t levelling up: it’s giving up.
And instead of putting blind faith in freeports, the Chancellor would be better served making sure the Government’s Brexit deal actually works for Britain’s manufacturers, who now face more red-tape when they were promised less.
For our financial services – still waiting for the Chancellor to make good on his promises.
For the small businesses and fishing communities whose goods and produce are now left unsold in warehouses. And for our artists and performers who just want to be able to tour.
Turning to other parts of the Statement, we’ll wait for the detail about the so-called super-deduction, but it’s unlikely to make up for the last 10 years, when the levels of private investment growth have trailed so many other countries.
Of course, we welcome the creation of a National Infrastructure Bank. Something we’ve called for, for years.
Although it would have been better if the Government hadn’t sold off the Green Investment Bank in the first place.
We also welcome the introduction of green savings bonds. I have to say: What a good idea it is to introduce a new set of recovery bonds.
The trouble is that the scale of what the Chancellor announced today is nowhere near ambitious enough.
And the long-overdue commitments to extend furlough, business rate relief and the VAT cut on hospitality are welcome. But there is no excuse for holding the announcement of this support back until today – and, of course, we will look at the detail.
But Madam Deputy Speaker, there are very few silver linings in this Budget.
The IMF and the OECD have said now isn’t the time for tax rises. We’re in the middle of a once in 300-year crisis. Our economy is still shut. Our businesses are on life-support.
So it’s right that corporation tax isn’t rising this year or next.
Of course, in the long-run corporation tax should go up.
The decade long corporation tax experiment by this government has failed.
But no taxes should have been raised in the teeth of this economic crisis.
So it’s extraordinary that the Chancellor is ploughing ahead with the £2bn council tax rise – affecting households across the country.
So why is he doing that? Why is he doing that when every economist would tell him not to do it.
Perhaps we find an answer in this weekend’s Sunday Times: “Rishi’s argument was, ‘Let’s do all this now as far away from the election as possible.’”
Or the Telegraph on 27 January: “Raising taxes now means they can be reduced ahead of the next election, Sunak tells MPs.”
Or the Mail in September: “Sunak to hike taxes and lower them before the election.”
Let me be crystal clear. The proper basis for making tax decisions is the economic cycle, not the electoral cycle.
Madam Deputy Speaker, behind the spin, the videos and the photo ops, we all know the Chancellor doesn’t believe in an active and enterprising government.
We know, we know he’s itching to get back to his free market principles and to pull away support as quickly as he can.
One day these restrictions will end.
One day we’ll all be able to take our masks off – and so will the Chancellor.
And then you’ll see who he really is – and this Budget sets it up perfectly.
Because this is a Budget that didn’t even attempt to rebuild the foundations of our economy.
Or to secure the country’s long-term prosperity. Instead it did the job the Chancellor always intended: a quick fix.
Papering over the cracks.
The Party opposite spent a decade weakening the foundations of our economy. Now they pretend they can rebuild it.
But the truth is: they won’t confront what went wrong in the past and they have no plan for the future.
Commenting on today’s budget statement from chancellor Rishi Sunak, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “The chancellor is making a dangerous bet on the economy bouncing back on its own. He is gambling with the recovery when he should have acted to create jobs.
“We are in the worst recession of our lifetimes. But while President Biden acts big, the chancellor thinks small. We saw nothing like the investment we need to stop unemployment and level-up the UK with millions of new green jobs.
“Freeports don’t create jobs – and around the world they allow freeloading employers to dodge taxes.
“And after a year of key workers going above and beyond, it’s an insult that the chancellor announced no new support for our hard-pressed NHS or public services and no guarantee of a decent pay rise for all our public sector key workers.
“The last-minute extension of furlough, while welcome, ends too soon, which will risk jobs and businesses. Cutting universal credit in October will risk family incomes. And failing to fix decent sick pay for all risks more infections and another lockdown.”
Where the budget falls short
The budget falls far short of the level of action called for in the TUC’s budget submission.
The overall level of public investment to stimulate recovery has not been increased by the budget.
The TUC budget submission called for the chancellor to:
Extend the job retention scheme to the end of 2021, and bring in a wage floor to prevent furlough pay falling below the minimum wage
Fast-track £85 billion investment in green infrastructure to create 1.2 million jobs over the next two years
Make permanent the £20 per week increase in universal credit, and end the five-week wait for new universal credit claimants to receive payment.
Unlock the 600,000 jobs in public services needed to fill vacancies and gaps.
Fix statutory sick pay by raising it to £330 per week (to match the level of the real Living Wage) and extend eligibility to the two million low-paid workers currently excluded from SSP.
Raise the national minimum wage to at least £10 per hour.
Retain the Union Learning Fund, which supports 200,000 workplace learners annually.
Increase child benefit and child tax credit and remove the two-child limit.
Responding to the Chancellor’s statement in the Commons outlining the Government’s Budget, Dr Katherine Henderson, President of the Royal College of Emergency Medicine, said:“This budget is disappointing for the Health and Social Care service which urgently needs a revised funding and investment plan. There are only 10 mentions of the NHS in the published budget.
“The NHS entered the pandemic underfunded, short of staff and short of resources. Now more than ever the NHS must have an adequate recovery plan that includes funding, investment, and a strategy to fix the workforce crisis. This budget failed to build on last year’s spending review, which itself did not go far enough.
“Pressures on the NHS before the pandemic were anything but normal and the added pressure has taken a huge physical and mental toll on existing staff, who have been stretched too thinly.
“In Emergency Medicine we need an additional 2500 consultants and 4,000 nurses, in England alone. The wider NHS is hugely short of staff and fixing this will require an increase in the number of training school places, which in turn requires funding. Failing to address the workforce crisis does our staff a disservice.
“While covid is receding, we cannot drift towards being complacent about the state of our NHS. It is regrettable that this budget will do little to address the longer-term underlying problems we have.”
“Physical infrastructure and economic growth is not enough. We need new solutions for sustainable recovery”, said Sarah Gillinson, chief executive, Innovation Unit.
“The Chancellor’s Budget today was understandably focused on national economic survival in the short-term and sustainable recovery in the longer term. These are welcome non-negotiables for a country emerging from crisis.
“But for a government ostensibly focused on “levelling up” there was little evidence of deepening investment or understanding of what it will really take to improve the lives and life chances of people in places that have had a raw deal over the decades.
“Evidence gathered over many years about the success or otherwise of place-based transformation points to the need for change to be grounded in a locally-owned vision that encompasses all aspects of life – from health and education and a secure home to meaningful work and successful relationships.
“The government’s actions have been all about physical infrastructure and economic growth. It is not enough.
“This change is unbelievably hard and evolves as we learn over 10 years or more. There are scant examples of successful, long-term, place-based transformation that really works for the people who already live there – rather than the people who move in after change has happened.
“If the government is serious about “levelling up” or seriously transforming places with and for the people who live there, it should be investing in much more ambitious and holistic innovation in places, and in loud, transparent learning about what emerges. As we said in November last year, 10% of the £4.8bn levelling-up fund should be dedicated to innovation.
“We need new solutions, not partial old ones. Trains, roads and enterprise are important – but they are far from being the whole story. Emerging from Covid-19 gives us a once-in-a-generation opportunity to design forward differently. Let’s seize it, as a broad coalition that wants to learn what it really takes to transform places, rather than being stuck in the inadequate models of the past.”
Centre for Cities’ Chief Executive Andrew Carter has released this statement on yesterday’s Budget: “The extension to furlough and the UC increase will be a relief to people in places hit hard by the pandemic.
“However, the Chancellor’s vision for our economic recovery is too centralised. Governing directly from the Treasury – whether in London or Darlington – will not level up the country.
“Rather than moving civil servants out of Whitehall, the Government should be moving powers and money out and handing them over to local leaders who understand their areas and the challenges that people face.”
Reacting to the Budget statement, the leader of the country’s leading union, Unite, warned that the government’s flagship freeports policy could cause wage `sinkholes’ and demanded more action on jobs creation.
Unite general secretary Len McCluskey said: “In this time of crisis, workers and communities are desperate for action on a scale that meets this enormous moment and takes us to a fairer future.
“Instead, the chancellor plundered his back catalogue to pull out a sketchy policy, a return of freeports, a failed experiment of the last decades where the only winners are tax avoiders and bad bosses.
“Freeports are sinkholes, draining decent jobs and wages away from our communities.
“Further, we want the chancellor to answer why English freeports will sidestep employment rights, minimum wages and basic standards while Scottish workers will keep all these protections.
“These ports stand in utter contradiction to the pledge to level up, and we will oppose them.
“We need a coherent industrial strategy and real action to underpin jobs creation, not spin, gimmicks and dangerous wheezes.
“There is now also the very real worry now that we face an autumn incomes and jobs emergency, created by this Budget when it ought to be charting the course out of this economic crisis.
“Furlough support will fall away and Universal Credit will be cut by £20 a week at precisely the time when unemployment could well be rising.
“The comfortably off will be pleased by the extension of the stamp duty relaxation for those with expensive properties, but where is the proper assistance for those at the sharpest end of the economy in desperate need of help on sick pay, wages and rent debt?
“Frontline workers kept this country safe and supported during this crisis, putting their own health on the line. Where this Budget should have recognised their heroic contribution with an end to a decade of wage cuts and the justified pay rise that the public wants to see, it failed them.
“The Budget was about choices. The danger is that this government has chosen to be timid in its actions for our people and our economic renewal but ambitious in advancing the Conservative party.”
Westminster’s Women and Equalities Committee has published its report on coronavirus and the gendered economic impact. The report has found that the economic impact of coronavirus has affected men and women differently. This is because of existing gendered economic inequalities, the over-representation of women in certain types of work and the actions the Government has taken.
Conduct an Equality Impact Assessment of the Job Retention Scheme and the Self Employed Income Support Scheme. This should draw on existing inequalities and would better protect those already at a disadvantage in the labour market, including women. It could also inform more effective responses to future crises.
Assess the equality impact of the Industrial Strategy and the New Deal, and analyse who has benefited from the industrial strategy. Priorities for recovery are heavily gendered in nature, with investment plans skewing towards male dominated sectors.
Conduct an economic growth assessment of the care-led recovery proposals made by the Women’s Budget Group. (Treasury)
Maintain increases in support, including the £20 increase to the Universal Credit standard allowance. (Department for Work and Pensions)
Review the adequacy of and eligibility for Statutory Sick Pay. Women are over represented among those who are not eligible.
Legislate to extend redundancy protection to pregnant women and new mothers.
Review childcare provision to provide support for working parents and those who are job seeking or retraining.
Reinstate gender pay gap reporting and include parental leave policies, ethnicity and disability.
Provide better data to improve reporting and analysis on how gender, ethnicity, disability, age and socio-economic status interact to compound disadvantage.
Ensure that the Government Equalities Office and Minister for Women are more ambitious and proactive.
Committee Chair Caroline Nokes said: “As the pandemic struck, the Government had to act quickly to protect jobs and adapt welfare benefits. “These have provided a vital safety net for millions of people. But it overlooked the labour market and caring inequalities faced by women.
“These are not a mystery, they are specific and well understood. And yet the Government has repeatedly failed to consider them.
“This passive approach to gender equality is not enough. And for many women it has made existing equality problems worse: in the support to self-employed people, to pregnant women and new mothers, to the professional childcare sector, and for women claiming benefits. And it risks doing the same in its plans for economic recovery.
“We heard evidence from a wide range of organisations, including Maternity Action, the National Hair and Beauty Federation, the TUC, the Professional Association of Childcare and Early Years, the single parents campaign group Gingerbread, the Young Women’s Trust and the Women’s Budget Group. And written evidence from many more.
“The message from our evidence is clear: Government policies have repeatedly skewed towards men—and it keeps happening.
“We need to see more than good intentions and hoping for the best. The Government must start actively analysing and assessing the equality impact of every policy, or it risks turning the clock back.
“Our report sets out a package of twenty recommendations for change and a timescale. Taken together, these will go a long way towards tackling the problems and creating the more equal future that so many women—and men—want to see.
“The Government should seize this opportunity.”
Responding to today’s report by the Woman and Equalities Committee, which sets out how women have been disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady (above) said: “Women have been put in an impossible situation during the pandemic – often expected to work and look after children at the same time.
“Too many working mums are having to cut their hours or being forced to leave their jobs because they cannot manage.
“If ministers don’t act, women will be pushed out of the labour market. And that means women’s and children’s poverty will soar.
“Ministers must give all parents a temporary right to be furloughed now.
“And they must fix the UK’s lamentable support for working parents. That means giving all parents at least ten days’ paid parental leave each year, making real flexible working available to all, and funding childcare properly.
“Unless ministers strengthen rights and support for working parents, women’s equality risks being set back decades.”
On the committee’s recommendation to carry out and publish an equality impact assessment on how government policies have affected women, Frances O’Grady added: “The government must urgently carry out and publish equality impact assessments of all its policies during this pandemic.
“This crisis, and the government’s response to it, is deepening inequalities for women at work.”
A TUC survey of 52,000 working mums published earlier this month revealed that 9 in 10 had experienced higher levels of anxiety and stress levels during this latest lockdown.
Nearly three-quarters (71%) of those who had applied for furlough following the latest school closures have had their requests turned down.
The TUC says this situation results from the UK’s failure to help families balance paid work and childcare.
It is calling on the government to introduce:
A new temporary right to furlough for groups who cannot work because of coronavirus restrictions – both parents and those who are clinically extremely vulnerable and required to shield.
Ten days’ paid parental leave, from day one in a job, for all parents. Currently parents have no statutory right to paid leave to look after their children.
A right to flexible work for all parents. Flexible working can take lots of different forms, including having predictable or set hours, working from home, job-sharing, compressed hours and term-time working.
Give additional financial support to the childcare sector so that childcare providers can continue to offer support to working parents.
An increase in sick pay to at least the level of the real Living Wage, for everyone in work, to ensure workers can afford to self-isolate if they need to.
Newly self-employed parents to have access the self-employment income support scheme (SEISS).
NEW POLL: 50% of low-paid workers have suffered income loss in the pandemic, compared to 29% of high earners
TUC budget submission calls for a “workers’ budget” and extension of JRS to the end of 2021
New polling, published this week by the TUC, finds that low earners are more likely than middle and higher earners to have been forced to cut spending and take on debt during the pandemic.
The poll findings (conducted for the TUC by BritainThinks) come as the TUC publishes its budget submission, which calls on the Chancellor to improve pandemic support for low- paid workers, and to invest in job protection and creation to prevent an unemployment crisis following the pandemic.
Low paid workers and the pandemic’s impacts
Over a third (37%) of workers said that their household had suffered a reduction in disposable income since the pandemic began.
This rises to half (50%) for workers with annual earnings below £15k, while it is just three in ten (29%) for workers earning more than £50k.
The lowest earners are also the most likely to have had to reduce spending and take on debt.
Percentage of workers saying that since start of pandemic they have….
Annual earnings
(1) Less disposable income
(2) Needed to reduce spending
(3) Taken on more debt
Less than £15k
50%
46%
29%
Between £15k and £29k
35%
30%
18%
Between £29k and £50k
33%
31%
20%
More than £50k
29%
24%
18%
All workers
37%
34%
21%
The TUC says that low-paid workers have been worse affected because:
Insecure work: Low paid workers are often employed on terms such as zero-hours contracts, which give them no protection when their hours of work are cut back.
Household budget flexibility: Workers who are already struggling on low pay have much less flexibility than middle and higher earners to reduce spending and avoid debt.
Hard-hit sectors: Hospitality, leisure and non-essential retail have had by far the highest rates of furlough, and they are both sectors with large numbers of low-paid workers.
Remote working: Middle and high wage earners are more likely to have jobs that can be done form home, meaning they can avoid the need to be furloughed and may also make savings such as their usual commuting costs.
Furlough is protecting incomes but can pay less than minimum wage: The job retention scheme does not have a floor, meaning that some workers receiving 80% of their wages have fallen below the minimum wage. Two million employees were paid below the minimum wage in April 2020 (compared to 409,000 in April 2019) and the majority of these were on furlough at the time.
TUC Budget submission
The TUC’s budget submission calls for a workers’ budget.
The union body encourages the Chancellor to follow the recommendations of the OECD to make greater use of fiscal policy to support the economy.
By increasing support for working people and low-income households, the Chancellor would also be using fiscal policy to protect the economy and stimulate recovery.
TUC budget recommendations include:
Extending the job retention scheme to the end of 2021.
A wage floor within JRS to prevent furlough pay falling below the minimum wage.
Permanent retention of the £20 per week increase in universal credit, and an end to the five-week wait for new universal credit claimants to receive payment.
Increasing child benefit and child tax credit and removing the two-child limit.
Fixing statutory sick pay by raising it to £330 per week (to match the level of the real Living Wage) and by extending eligibility to the two million low-paid workers currently excluded from SSP.
Raising the national minimum wage to at least £10 per hour.
The full submission includes further recommendations to invest in job creation and boost skills – including retaining the £12 million Union Learning Fund, which supports 200,000 workplace learners annually.
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “When a crisis hits, the most exposed should get the most protection. But many low-paid workers are struggling through the pandemic on less money and with higher costs. And they are falling into deeper poverty and debt.
“Good government means stepping in to help. The Chancellor should help by extending furlough to the end of the year, with a guarantee that support will never be less than minimum wage. And last year’s boost to universal credit should be kept – permanently.
“Many of these low earners are key workers who have kept our country going. We owe it to them to build a fairer economy after the pandemic. The Chancellor should give Britain a workers’ budget next month. It should be a plan for full employment, with decent pay and job security for every worker.”
Over 50,000 working mums respond to new TUC survey on challenges of managing work and childcare during lockdown
Working mums report huge levels of anxiety and stress following school closures
TUC calls for an emergency temporary right to furlough for working parents – and for government to promote this new right to mums and dads
Nearly three-quarters (71%) of working mums who have applied for furlough following the latest school closures have had their requests turned down, according to a new TUC survey carried out in the past week and published today (Thursday).
The job retention scheme currently allows bosses to furlough parents who can’t work due to a lack of childcare.
But the TUC says many mums are missing out on this financial lifeline as the scheme is not promoted to parents.
The union body is also concerned some employers are refusing to furlough those who request it, leaving mums in an impossible situation where they are forced to reduce their hours at work, take unpaid leave and annual leave to cope, or leave their job altogether.
TUC survey
Last week, the TUC and campaigner Mother Pukka launched a call for evidence for working mums to share their experiences of how they are managing their work and childcare commitments during lockdown.
More than 50,000 mums got in touch – an unprecedented response to a survey of this kind.
Of those working mums who contacted the TUC:
Nearly three-quarters (71%) who asked for furlough had their requests refused.
Most (78%) hadn’t been offered furlough by their employers.
And 2 in 5 (40%) of all mums who replied were unaware that the furlough scheme was available to parents affected by school or nursery closures.
Impact on working mums
Working mums told the TUC they were struggling with the strain of being expected to carry out their jobs as normal, while balancing childcare and home-schooling. They were also concerned about being treated badly by their employers as a result:
Nearly all (90%) of those who replied said that their anxiety and stress levels had increased during this latest lockdown.
And almost half (48%) were worried about being treated negatively by their employers because of their childcare responsibilities.
Financial strain
Around half (44%) of mums told the TUC they were worried about the impact having to take time off work would have on their household finances.
A quarter (25%) of mums were using annual leave to manage their childcare – but nearly 1 in 5 (18%) had been forced to reduce their working hours and around 1 in 14 (7%) were taking unpaid leave from work and receiving no income.
An emergency right to furlough
The TUC says that the UK’s inadequate system of parental leave and woefully low level of sick pay is leaving parents in impossible situations, where they risk losing their job or facing a catastrophic loss of income.
To support these workers, the TUC is calling on ministers to introduce a temporary right to furlough for groups who cannot work because of coronavirus restrictions – both parents and those who are clinically extremely vulnerable and required to shield. And ministers should clarify that furlough can be used by both private and public sector employers for these purposes.
The union body says employers should first explore with parents and those shielding whether other measures – such as offering additional paid leave, changes to working hours or other flexibilities like working from home, and offering alternative work – could help the worker balance their responsibilities, but that as a last resort, workers should have the right to be furloughed.
Ministers should encourage employers to use the furlough scheme for parents and those shielding where other arrangements cannot be made, and run a major advertising campaign so that parents and shielders understand that they can use furlough.
The TUC says this situation results from the UK’s failure to help families balance paid work and childcare. Alongside a temporary right to furlough, it is calling on the government to introduce:
Ten days’ paid carers leave, from day one in a job, for all parents. Currently parents have no statutory right to paid leave to look after their children.
A right to flexible work for all parents. Flexible working can take lots of different forms, including having predictable or set hours, working from home, job-sharing, compressed hours and term-time working.
An increase in sick pay to at least the level of the real Living Wage, for everyone in work, to ensure workers can afford to self-isolate if they need to.
Newly self-employed parents to have access the self-employment income support scheme (SEISS).
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said:“The safety of school staff and children must always come first. But the government’s lack of support for working parents is causing huge financial hardship and stress – and hitting low-paid mums and single parents hardest.
“Just like in the first lockdown, mums are shouldering the majority of childcare. Tens of thousands of mums have told us they are despairing. It’s neither possible nor sustainable for them to work as normal, while looking after their children and supervising schoolwork.
“Making staff take weeks of unpaid leave isn’t the answer. Bosses must do the right thing and offer maximum flexibility to mums and dads who can’t work because of childcare. And as a last resort, parents must have a temporary right to be furloughed where their boss will not agree.
“The UK’s parental leave system is one of the worst in Europe. It’s time for the government to give all parents the right to work flexibly, plus at least ten days’ paid carers leave each year.”
Founder of Mother Pukka Anna Whitehouse said: “What working parents have been tasked with in lockdown is not humanly possible. You’re looking at an average eight hour working day, six hour school day, 12 hours of parenting wrapped around that – that’s 26 hours in a 24 hour day. And I’m hearing daily from women who are stepping back, standing down and logging off because they’re burning out.
“Some are quitting out of choice, many not. Because who looks after kids home-schooling? Who looks after pandemic patients when out of hospital? Who takes a Tesco shop to elderly neighbours? Who runs community What’s App groups making sure everyone has everything they need?
“This unpaid labour is mainly strapped to female shoulders because – for all the International Women’s Days Sellotaped together – that’s the current working world we live in.
“One thing that can change right now is seeing the Government supporting all businesses to enable them to offer a much more flexible solution and furlough. The system needs to step up for parents before we step back to the 1950s.”
Founder and CEO of Pregnant Then Screwed Joeli Brearley said: “The parents of young children are currently being asked to either sacrifice their income or their child’s education and care; placing them in an impossible situation.
“We know that this burden is predominantly falling to mothers, and the consequences for maternal employment will be disastrous.
“What we are seeing here is a cry for help on a massive scale. Our advice lines are awash with mothers who have no idea how to care for their children and maintain their paid employment when their employer is refusing to furlough them.
“This is an emergency and if the government doesn’t step in soon there will be a generational roll back in maternal employment that will take us decades to repair.”
The High Pay Centre’s ‘High Pay Day’ research, published this week, is evidence that the government must rebalance the economy after Covid-19 to make it fair, says the TUC.
High Pay Day is the day in 2021 on which the typical FTSE 100 chief executive has already earned the same as the average wage for a whole year.
The research finds that top bosses earn around 120 times the annual pay of the average worker.
High Pay Centre’s research suggests that the median FTSE 100 CEOs earnings for 2021 surpassed the median annual wage for a full-time worker in the UK at around 5:30 pm on Wednesday 6 January.
The calculations are based on our previous analysis of CEO pay disclosures in companies annual reports, combined with government statistics showing pay levels across the UK economy.
HPC estimate that with CEO pay levels remaining essentially flat in their analysis, while pay for UK workers had increased slightly, it means that CEOs have to work 34 hours of the year to surpass median earnings, rather than just 33 hours in 2020.
However, the most recent figures on CEO pay and UK full time workers’ annual earnings is still too dated to fully account for the impact of the coronavirus – therefore it remains to be seen how this has affected pay gaps across the UK, both over the duration of the pandemic and in the longer term.
Pay for top CEOs today is about 120 times that of the typical UK worker. Estimates suggest it was around 50 times at the turn of the millennium or 20 times in the early 1980s.
Factors such as the increasing role played by the finance industry in the economy, the outsourcing of low-paid work and the decline of trade union membership have widened the gaps between those at the top and everybody else over recent decades.
These figures will raise concern about the governance of big businesses and whether major employers are distributing pay in a way that rewards the contribution of different workers fairly. They should also prompt debate about the effects that high levels of inequality can have on social cohesion, crime, and public health and wellbeing.
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “This tells you everything you need to know about how unfair our economy is.
“Our army of minimum wage workers – carers, shop assistants and delivery drivers – have kept the country going through the pandemic. Not these CEO’s at the top raking in far more than their share.
“We must make the economy fair. If the government is serious about levelling up Britain, it needs to start by levelling up pay and conditions for those we most rely on, and stop the threat to freeze key workers’ pay.
“Ministers must bring forward the long-awaited employment bill to end expoitative working practices like zero hours contracts, and boost rights and pay.”
On Monday Boris Johnson, in response to mounting evidence and calls to take urgent steps to protect the public, announced a new lockdown, the third we’ve had to date. The government must ensure that those asked to shield are able to do so (writes TUC’s Quinn Roache).
New strains of coronavirus are spreading like wildfire.
The new strain of the virus is 50% to 70% more transmissible and levels of infections are increasing to record levels, leading to huge strains on hospitals across the country.
Disabled people make up the majority of those who have died from Covid-19 – government statistics show that disabled people accounted for 3 in 5 covid-19 deaths. This is why it is imperative that, going into this new lockdown, disabled people who are told to shield can do so effectively.
Impact
This new lockdown is having a tangible impact on everyone. It impacts on many workers physical and mental health as well as livelihoods and income.
This is particularly true of those who’ve been asked to shield. A group the government have termed ‘clinically extremely vulnerable’, which means they have a higher risk of severe illness if infected.
Evidence suggests that in England this group is almost 4% of the population, or 1 in 25 people, and that they are disproportionately more likely to be disabled.
Disabled workers previously asked to shield told the TUC they felt forgotten and overlooked. They told us that the first lockdown left them isolated, without access to basic needs like food and a negative impact on both their physical and mental health1.
The government must do better this time.
Government advice to those who should shield
Their guidance is that those advised to shield should no longer attend work, school, college or university.
And that they should limit the time they spend outside their home, only going out for medical appointments, exercise or if it is essential.
Shield confirmation
Many people asked to shield will have done so already and they and their employers will have a good understanding of how to proceed throughout this lockdown.
However, it is important for employers and workers to understand the changing nature of the shielding group.
Since the start of the pandemic, workers will have come on and off the shielding list as their health conditions have changed. For example, those who were newly diagnosed with cancer and are undergoing active chemotherapy would have only just be put on the shielding list.
To avoid any confusion, everyone who needs to shield will be sent a letter by the government to confirm their shield status. However, receiving confirmation you should shield has not been a seamless process in the past.
In the first lockdown many people who were at very high risk from the virus were not on the list of those who should shield and, as a result, did not receive a letter advising them to do so.
Government guidance says, a GP or hospital clinician can add individuals to the Shielded Patient List if, based on their clinical judgement, they deem to them be at higher risk of serious illness if they catch the virus.
Workers who do not receive a letter telling them shield but who think they should be on the list should speak to their clinician or GP.
Furlough
It is vital that workers advised to shield should stay at home to protect their health, however, being told to shield and being able to afford to do so are two different things.
We’ve been told that although employers have access to the furlough scheme not all of them are using it so often those most at risk from the virus, are not being furloughed.
Employers should ensure that shielding workers who cannot work from home are offered an alternative role they can fulfil from home. Failing that, shielding workers should be furloughed.
Workers told to shield from any sector, public, private or the charity/third sector, who can not work from home but cannot return to the workplace must be furloughed. And to ensure this group’s health, the job retention scheme should be open to workers who live with someone told to shield and who cannot work from home.
Nobody should be losing pay as a result of an existing health condition and NHS advice to shield. No one should have to choose between their life and livelihood.
This is why the government, upon the urging of unions, has extended the job retention scheme to the end of April 2021 and which means furloughed workers will continue to receive up to 80% of their salary up to £2,500 which employers can claim back from the government. Employers can, and we believe should where they can afford it, top up wages to 100 per cent.
The government must also make sure benefits like statutory sick pay and universal credit pay the real living wage. It must repair the UK’s safety net as far too many people, around 14 million, were already living in poverty before the virus struck. Disabled people are disproportionality effected by this as nearly half of all people living in poverty in the UK are disabled themselves or live with someone who is.
People who lose their jobs must get the support they need to make ends meet and to get back on their feet.
Without fixing these benefits, many risk being plunged into poverty.
TUC recommendations
The TUC is calling on all employers to:
ensure that shielding workers who cannot work from home are offered an alternative role they can fulfil from home. Failing that, shielding workers should be furloughed.
The TUC is calling on the government to:
raise the basic level of Universal Credit for the duration of the outbreak to 80% of the real living wage – or £260 a week
raise sick pay from £94 a week to the equivalent of a week’s pay at the Real Living Wage – around £320 a week.
In her New Year message, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady thanks key workers for keeping the country running through the pandemic. And she calls on the government to invest in levelling up all parts of the UK and achieving full employment:
Amid the grief and hardship of the pandemic, 2020 will be remembered for everyone together out on the doorstep to celebrate our key workers.
We all knew who kept this country running through the pandemic. Not hedge fund chiefs, corporate outsourcing giants or government ministers.
But supermarket staff, delivery drivers, telecoms workers, bus drivers, social care workers, health professionals and all our key workers.
Ordinary working people stepping up to do their jobs in extraordinary times.
And yet, even as we applauded them, this government let them down.
Leaving them to struggle in services threadbare after ten years of austerity cuts, too often short staffed and with inadequate PPE. And then, adding insult to injury, freezing their pay.
So our wish for 2021 can be expressed in two short words: recover and reset.
New Year hope comes in the form of a vaccine, created by brilliant scientists and delivered by our precious NHS.
And this is the time to genuinely level up across the UK
But to do that, government must come up with a realistic plan.
The chaos has to stop.
This festive season, across much of the country, pubs and restaurants are silent, high streets deserted, theatres closed and whole sectors in limbo. We face another national lockdown.
With the new strain of the virus spreading so fast, the roll-out of the vaccine must be more comprehensive and faster too – before a real recovery is possible.
And all at a time when trade with our nearest neighbours in the EU is set to become more expensive and more bureaucratic.
Working people, and the businesses that employ them, urgently need transparency and security.
We need to know that government will do what it takes to support working families – protect the NHS, save jobs and get the economy back on its feet.
Throughout 2020’s national crisis, the UK’s trade union movement worked hard to protect livelihoods, and to support public health. We can be proud of the jobs we saved and the workplaces we made safe.
Now we must make Britain’s economic goal for 2021 full and decent employment. We cannot afford the cost of mass unemployment. It is never a price worth paying.
The chancellor must guarantee full furlough until we are through the crisis.
He must invest in good new jobs – in the green tech we need to tackle climate change and in the public services we all rely on.
And to smooth the disruption of the government’s third-rate Brexit deal, he needs to boost UK manufacturing with a £10bn recovery fund to create good new jobs.
Real recovery must mean higher living standards for working families – not just those the top. So we need to reset our country too.
Reset our labour market – banning the zero hours contracts that keep workers poor and powerless. Delivering the enhanced rights at work that ministers have long promised.
Reset raging inequality so that those with most pay their fair share, everyone earns enough to live on, no child need go hungry and public services are properly funded.
Reset regional divides – levelling up our country and bringing good jobs and investment to the parts of the country that need them most.
And government must act to end the systemic racism that harms Black and ethnic minority workers and families. Whatever our race, religion or background, all working people deserve dignity and fairness at work.
Recover and reset. That’s how we build a society that works for everyone.
In 2021, trade unions will be out there fighting for that vision, for our members, and for all working people.
I wish you, your family and workmates happiness, good health and security in 2021 and always.
The TUC has released analysis that shows an Amazon warehouse worker would take over eight weeks, or 293 hours, to earn what Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos makes in a second.
The analysis is based on reports of Bezos’ earnings this year. Last year, using his 2019 earnings, the TUC estimated it would take an Amazon warehouse worker over five weeks to earn what Bezos makes in a second. The marked increase to eight weeks this year reflects the enormous takings of the internet giant during the coronavirus pandemic.
In 2020 Amazon has seen its market value rocket, registering US $96 billion (£72 billion) in revenue for the third quarter alone – equivalent to nearly £33 million an hour. And Jeff Bezos’ personal wealth has also skyrocketed, making him the first person ever to be worth US $200 billion (£149 billion).
The eight weeks figure is considered a conservative estimate, as Bezos’ Black Friday and Christmas earnings are yet to be released in what the Amazon CEO himself expects to be “an unprecedented holiday season”.
Despite huge profits, workers at Amazon describe gruelling conditions, unrealistic productivity targets, surveillance, bogus self-employment and a refusal to recognise or engage with unions unless forced.
According to the GMB Union, between 2015 and 2018, ambulances were called out 600 times to 14 Amazon warehouses in Britain due to workers collapsing in unsafe, high-pressure working conditions.
The TUC is calling on the government to bring forward its long-awaited employment bill to clamp down on the poor working practices rife in workplaces like Amazon, and to strengthen trade unions and collective bargaining.
The union body is calling for:
unions to be allowed into every workplace
a ban on zero hours contracts
stronger joint liability laws to protect supply chain workers’ rights
an end to bogus self-employment
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said:
“Amazon’s bumper profits mean Christmas has come early for Jeff Bezos. Yet many of his staff continue to work in gruelling, exploitative conditions.
“Amazon workers have played a key role during this pandemic. The very least they deserve is dignity at work.
“If the government is serious about levelling up Britain, it needs to start by levelling up pay and conditions.
“Ministers must get on with bringing forward the long-awaited employment bill to end exploitative working practices like zero hours contracts and boost rights and pay.“
Earlier this year, the TUC called on government to use its purchasing power to stand up to Amazon on workers’ rights, as it published new analysis which showed up to £630 million of government money spent on contracts with Amazon in recent years.
The Minister for Women and Equalities, Liz Truss, has set out the UK Government’s new approach to tackling inequality across the UK:
No matter your skin colour, sexuality, religion or anything else, the United Kingdom is one of the best places in the world to live.
The British story has been driven from its earliest days by the desire for liberty, agency, and fairness.
It is the notion that in Britain you will have the opportunity to succeed at whatever you wish to do professionally, that you can be whoever you want to be. Dress however you want to dress. Love whoever you wish to love and achieve your dreams.
But we must be honest. Our story is not yet complete. Our equality journey is not yet finished.
For too many people, particularly in places beyond the South East, opportunity is diminished.
For years, successive governments have either pretended that all opportunity was equal or failed to come up with proper solutions, paying lip service to a problem that has festered for decades.
It was this government that finally tore down this social taboo when we were elected to level-up the country and toppled the Red Wall turning it Blue.
We were elected partly on the promise of fixing the scourge of geographic inequality, and ensuring equal opportunity for all. There are still too many cases where your destination in life is decided by where you started it. So today, I am outlining a new approach to equality in this country.
This will be founded firmly on Conservative values.
It will be about individual dignity and humanity, not quotas and targets, or equality of outcome.
It will reject the approach taken by the Left, captured as they are by identity politics and loud lobby groups.
It will focus fiercely on fixing geographic inequality, addressing the real problems people face in their everyday lives using evidence and data.
If you were born in Wolverhampton or Darlington, you have been under-served by successive governments. No more.
Things must change and things will change.
This new approach to equality will run through the DNA of this government.
The moral and practical case for equality
For me, it is a moral and practical mission.
Just as our forebears fought for change, we must fight for change again – challenging what is unfair and unjust today.
It is not right that having a particular surname or accent can sometimes make it harder to get a job.
It is appalling that pregnant women suffer discrimination at work. Or that women may be encouraged to dress in a certain way to get ahead.
Or that some employers overlook the capabilities of people with disabilities.
It is outrageous in the 21st century that LGBT people still face harassment in public spaces.
As well as being a moral problem, it is shameful we are squandering so much talent.
If women opened businesses at the same rate as men – we could add £250bn to the economy.
If people of every ethnic group were fully represented across the labour market, that would mean an extra £24 billion of income a year.
If businesses were fully accessible for disabled consumers, they could benefit from an estimated £274 billion a year in spending power.
We can ill afford to waste this potential as we recover from Covid and build back better.
Equality rooted in Conservative values
Our new approach to equality will be based on the core principles of freedom, choice, opportunity, and individual humanity and dignity.
We will move well beyond the narrow focus of protected characteristics and deliver real change that benefits people across our United Kingdom.
We will do this in three ways.
First, by delivering fairness through modernisation, increased choice and openness.
Second, by concentrating on data and research, rather than on campaigning and listening to those with the loudest voices.
And third, by taking our biggest and broadest look yet at the challenges we face, including the all too neglected scourge of geographic inequality.
Now is the time to root the equality debate in the real concerns people face, like affording a home, getting to work, going out safely at night, ending discrimination in our offices, factories and shop floors, and improving our schools so every child has a good chance in life.
It is our duty to deliver, because if right-thinking people do not lead the fight for fairness, then it will be led by those whose ideas don’t work.
The failed ideas of the Left
The ideas that have dominated the equality debate have been long in the making.
As a comprehensive school student in Leeds in the 1980s, I was struck by the lip service that was paid to equality by the City Council while children from disadvantaged backgrounds were let down.
While we were taught about racism and sexism, there was too little time spent making sure everyone could read and write.
These ideas have their roots in post-modernist philosophy – pioneered by Foucault – that put societal power structures and labels ahead of individuals and their endeavours.
In this school of thought, there is no space for evidence, as there is no objective view – truth and morality are all relative.
Rather than promote policies that would have been a game-changer for the disenfranchised like better education and business opportunities, there was a preference for symbolic gestures.
Even now, authorities rush to embrace symbols – for example, Birmingham City Council naming new streets “Diversity Grove” and “Equality Road” – as if that counts as real change.
Underlying this is the soft bigotry of low expectations, where people from certain backgrounds are not expected to reach high standards.
This diminishes their individual humanity, dignity and agency.
And it hasn’t delivered the progress it promised.
…
In addition, this focus on groups at the expense of individuals has led to harmful unintended consequences.
…
Study after study has shown that unconscious bias training does not improve equality, and in fact can backfire by reinforcing stereotypes and exacerbating biases.
That’s why this week we announced we will no longer be using it in government or civil service.
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By contrast, the Conservative Party has elected two female leaders, and has a Cabinet with the highest ever level of ethnic minority representation.
We have done this not by positively discriminating, but by positively empowering people who want to go into politics and opening up our Party to people of all backgrounds. Because when you choose on the basis of protected characteristics, you end up excluding other people.
1. Fairness, not favouritism
Fairness, not favouritism, drives our approach to equality.
Too often, the equality debate has been dominated by a small number of unrepresentative voices, and by those who believe people are defined by their protected characteristic, and not by their individual character.
This school of thought says that if you are not from an ‘oppressed group’ then you are not entitled to an opinion, and that this debate is not for you.
I wholeheartedly reject this approach.
Equality is something everybody in the United Kingdom should care about and something all of us have a stake in.
So, I am calling time on “pink bus” feminism, where women are left to fix sexism and campaign for childcare.
Rather than virtue signalling, or campaigning, this government is focused on delivering a fairer and more transparent society that works for all and that delivers genuine equality of opportunity.
The work of American academic Iris Bohnet shows that modernising and making organisations more transparent is the best way to tackle inequality.
When things are opaque, it benefits those who know how to game the system.
We know that when companies publish their wage ranges, it leads to more equal starting points for men and women.
We know that automatic promotions based on performance help level up opportunities for women in the workplace, overcoming the barriers that make women less likely to put themselves forward for promotion.
And we know that evidence-driven recruitment in a clear and open structure is more effective than using informal and ad hoc networks.
On the other hand, techniques like unconscious bias training, quotas and diversity statements do nothing to make the workplace fundamentally fairer.
By driving reforms that increase competition, boost transparency and improve choice, we can open up opportunities.
This is the approach we will be taking across government.
It is fundamentally important that the role of equality minister is held by someone who also has another cabinet job, as I do with trade.
This ensures equality is not siloed, but is instead the responsibility of the whole government and all our elected representatives.
For example, the Academies Act 2010 meant good free schools were established across England and more children had the opportunity of a great education. The 1980 Housing Act empowered over two million people to get on the housing ladder, and the independent taxation of women in 1988 gave wives control of their own money.
All of these reforms promoted equality by giving people greater agency over their own lives and making systems more transparent.
For example, we know that students from poorer backgrounds are more likely to achieve better grades than they were predicted, and they lose out in the current university admissions system which is based on predicted grades.
That is why Gavin Williamson is right to base the university admissions system on the actual grades students achieve, making sure that students from lower income backgrounds have a fairer shot at university.
In the workplace, we know that flexible working improves productivity and helps people to combine work with other responsibilities.
That is why I will be working with Alok Sharma, the Business Secretary, to enable more flexible working – not just as a necessity amid the Covid crisis but to empower employees.
The best way to reduce unfairness in our society is through opening up opportunities for all.
This is the level playing field we should be talking about.
And we are going to make sure that this level playing field is properly enforced.
That is why I am appointing a new chair and a wide variety of commissioners to the Equality and Human Rights Commission to drive this agenda forward.
I am proud we have Baroness Kishwer Falkner, David Goodhart, Jessica Butcher, Su-Mei Thompson and Lord Ribeiro, all of whom are committed to equality and ready to challenge dangerous groupthink.
Under this new leadership, the EHRC will focus on enforcing fair treatment for all, rather than freelance campaigning.
2. Facts, not fiction
To make our society more equal, we need the equality debate to be led by facts not by fashion.
Time and time again, we see politicians making their own evidence-free judgements.
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My superb colleague Kemi Badenoch is leading work on the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, established by the Prime Minister.
We should heed the warning from its chair, Dr Tony Sewell, who wrote last month that they have uncovered “a perception of racism that is often not supported by evidence” and that “wrong perceptions sow mistrust”.
This does not mean we don’t recognise people’s stories about their individual lives or believe that their experiences of discrimination are not real. It means that we can and must have an equality agenda that is driven by evidence.
Today I am announcing that the Equality Hub will embark on the Government’s biggest, broadest and most comprehensive equality data project yet, and it will closely coordinate with the work of CRED (Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities).
Over the coming months, we will look across the UK to identify where people are held back and what the biggest barriers are.
We will not limit our fight for fairness to the nine protected characteristics laid out in the 2010 Equality Act, which include sex, race and gender reassignment.
While it is true people in these groups suffer discrimination, the focus on protected characteristics has led to a narrowing of the equality debate that overlooks socio-economic status and geographic inequality.
This means some issues – particularly those facing white working-class children – are neglected.
This project will broaden the drive for equality and get to the heart of the barriers people face. It will report its initial findings in the Summer.
In addition to race, sex, disability and religion, it will also look at issues around geography, community and socio-economic background.
It will deliver a new life-path analysis of equality from the perspective of the individual, not groups. Using longitudinal data sets will help us understand where the real problems lie.
3. Geographic Inequality
There is a deeper wage gap between London and the regions than between men and women, with an average full-time salary a third higher in the capital than the North East of England.
There are lower employment rates, pay packets and life expectancy across the North than the South. At the same time, average median hourly earnings in the South West are only just over two thirds of those in London.
That is why the equality agenda must be prosecuted with fierce determination and clarity of purpose up and down the country, not just in London boardrooms and Whitehall offices.
Whether that is making the case for free schools in deprived areas or using data to help regional businesses attract investment.
We will use the power of evidence to drive reform and give people access to the facts so they can push for change.
We will drive this action from the North of England, where we will be moving the Equality Hub.
And I am delighted to announce that we are also taking on sponsorship of the Social Mobility Commission, to give this agenda real teeth and coherence.
The whole of government will be – and is – totally committed to this agenda. The Treasury is revising its Green Book so that it judges infrastructure investment fairly across the UK, no longer seeing – for example – faster broadband as a better investment in Surrey than South Lanarkshire.
The Department for Education is going to extra lengths to create academies and free schools outside London. And in housing, we are working to increase opportunities for home ownership across the country.
This is just the start. There is much more we will be doing to make our country fairer and give people agency over their own lives.
This is not limited to the UK
This fight for fairness goes beyond our shores.
Next year, the United Kingdom will use its presidency of the G7 to ramp up its work worldwide with like-minded allies to champion freedom, human rights and the equality of opportunity.
The UK is co-leading the new global Generation Equality Action Coalition on Gender Based Violence, and co-chairing the Equal Rights Coalition.
In that role, we will be holding our International LGBT conference, on the theme of Safe to Be Me.
We are working internationally to bring an end to child marriage and are supporting international programmes to end the abhorrent practice of Female Genital Mutilation.
We need to make progress across the world and at home as a fairer world and a fairer Britain go hand in hand.
Taking the right approach to deliver real change
At this vital time in our country’s history, we must make sure everyone has a chance to succeed in modern Britain.
That is why we cannot waste time on misguided, wrong-headed and ultimately destructive ideas that take agency away from people.
Instead, we will drive an agenda that empowers people and actively challenges discrimination.
We will use evidence to inform policy and drive change.
And we will focus on increasing openness and transparency, fixing the system rather than the results.
Together, we will build back a better society and lead the new fight for fairness.
Commenting on the speech by Liz Truss on the government’s new approach to inequality, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “No matter who you are or where you are from, everyone should be able to get on in life.
“Liz Truss is presenting a false choice.
“Ministers must both tackle the barriers facing today’s diverse working class, and act to end the additional discrimination and disadvantage affecting BME, women and disabled workers.
“They should start by banning the hated zero-hours contracts in their employment bill due in 2021. This would help end the insecurity that penalises BME workers and women in particular, and holds down living standards for all workers.”
The TUC wants the government to:
Tackle insecure work at the employment bill, due in 2021, including banning zero-hours contracts
Introduce a legal duty on all public bodies to tackle class and income inequality
Bring in mandatory reporting of BME, class and disability pay gaps, as with gender