This year’s May Day celebrations have an added historical resonance for trade unionists (writes TUC General Secretary PAUL NOWAK). Monday 4 May marks the centenary of the start of the General Strike – a momentous event in British industrial and political history.
But what is its real legacy? How did it shape trade unions in the decades after? And a century on, what are its lessons for today’s movement?
I’ve just had the pleasure of addressing a fascinating event run by the Institute of Historical Research alongside US academic Jonathan Schneer, author of a brilliant new book on the General Strike: Nine Days in May. It was a great opportunity to take a step back from my day-to-day work and think about the immense historical forces that have shaped the modern trade union movement.
Reflecting on the General Strike
I have two personal connections to the events of 1926. Firstly, as the current General Secretary of the TUC – an organisation of which I am immensely proud – I have a keen sense of our heritage. No organisation can claim to be infallible and the TUC is no exception, but for nearly 160 years we have advanced the cause of labour and bent the arc of history towards social and economic justice. And I am ambitious that we continue to do so in the future.
Secondly, I have a strong affinity with one of the key players in the General Strike, the acting TUC General Secretary Walter Citrine. He grew up just a couple of miles from where I was born and still live in Birkenhead.
And while not a household name, I believe he was one of the most consequential figures in the modern trade union movement, shaping the TUC as we know it today, playing a key role in the effort to defeat fascism, and building international trade unionism.
The scale of solidarity during the strike
While the General Strike ended in defeat for the trade union movement, it remains one of the greatest acts of solidarity in British history. Three million workers answered the TUC General Council’s call to stop work, with two thirds selflessly walking out in support of miners whose jobs, terms and conditions were being slashed. This unprecedented working-class mobilisation shook the establishment to its core.
Some have argued the defeat was rooted in the TUC’s failure to properly prepare for the strike and prosecute it with a view to bringing down the government. But I think it is fair to posit that the leadership of the TUC, our unions and – more importantly – the three million workers who answered the call to action were motivated by a desire to bring ministers and mine owners back to the negotiating table.
Their goal was to win a fair deal for the miners, not overthrow the government or usurp parliamentary democracy. The General Strike was a moment of solidarity, not revolution.
How the government responded in 1926
Of course, this distinction mattered not one bit to prime minister Stanley Baldwin. His government’s aim was simple: outright victory. And that’s why ministers deployed every instrument of state power at their disposal to crush the strikers – not just the civil service, local authorities, police and volunteer strike breakers, but the armed forces too.
Despite this, the TUC ran an incredible operation from our offices in Eccleston Square, bringing the UK economy to a virtual standstill. But as Jonathan Schneer’s new book makes clear, the government executed its response with the same ruthlessness as Margaret Thatcher did during the miners’ strike of 1984-85. In both instances, the question was not so much “who runs Britain?”, but “who is Britain run for”. And in both instances, the answer was clear: not its workers.
Trade union recovery after the General Strike
For all the General Strike was a devastating setback for unions, this retrenchment proved temporary. From a low of less than 3.7 million in 1929, our membership grew steadily for the next half century, reaching a peak of nearly 13 million in 1979. This owed much to the reshaping of the TUC by Citrine, learning the lessons from 1926, as well as our role in the war and the fight against fascism. And it was proof of our resilience in the face of periodic political hostility. It was growth fuelled by the very same solidarity that drove the 1926 strike.
The role of the TUC in the modern movement
For me, the events of 1926 pose some fundamental questions about the TUC itself. We have always been more than the General Secretary, the staff of the organisation and our physical premises. Instead, we are the collective embodiment of our 47 affiliates and 5.3 million members, a vibrant federation of sovereign unions. And for us to be truly effective, each union has a responsibility to its own members, but also to the wider movement. Solidarity will always be a two-way street: something we should expect to give as well as receive.
And that matters just as much in 2026 as it did a century ago. Unlike our forebears, we currently enjoy a much more positive political climate.
Labour’s Employment Rights Act is not just the biggest upgrade to our rights in a generation – it’s also a huge opportunity for us to rebuild our movement.
Let’s seize it.