Foreign Secretary David Lammy yesterday gave a statement to the House of Commons on UK policy on arms export licenses to Israel:
With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on the Middle East.
On taking office, in July, I told this House that this government’s priority in the region would be to advance the cause of peace.
This continues to be our mission, on every front.
In Israel, in the West Bank, in Lebanon, in the Red Sea, and of course in Gaza, where we need an immediate ceasefire, the protection of civilians, the immediate release of all hostages, and more aid getting into Gaza.
Over the summer, we were faced with the prospect of full-scale war breaking out between Lebanese Hizballah and Israel.
On each of the three visits I have made to the region, including alongside my Right Honourable Friend the Defence Secretary and my most recent joint visit with the French Foreign Minister, I have urged Lebanese Hizballah, the Lebanese government, and Israel to engage with the US-led discussions to resolve their disagreements diplomatically and to reach a peaceful solution through the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1701.
As we continue to work with our allies and partners to push for a diplomatic solution we nonetheless stand ready for the worst-case scenario including the potential evacuation of British nationals. And our message to those still in Lebanon remains clear: leave now.
Mr Speaker, our common goal of peace in the Middle East will never be lasting until there is safety, security, and sovereignty for both Israel and a Palestinian state.
We must all keep at the forefront of our minds the pain, anguish, and horror this conflict has caused for so many ordinary civilians.
The victims of the October the seventh atrocity. the hostages and all those still enduring unimaginable suffering, whether they are hoping to see their loved ones again…or mourning their loss, as the tragic events of this weekend illustrate, as the bodies of six murdered hostages were recovered.
The Israeli people still living under rocket fire not only from Hamas but from other hostile actors explicitly dedicated to Israel’s annihilation, fighting an enemy in Hamas whose appalling tactics endanger countless civilian lives.
And the innocent Palestinians, tens of thousands killed in the fighting – their numbers growing by the day, including distressing numbers of women and children, many mothers so malnourished they cannot produce milk for their babies,families struggling to keep their children alive, disease and famine looming ever larger.
Heroic humanitarians putting their lives on the line to help others, like the brave aid workers I met from United Nations agencies,and from the Palestine Red Crescent Society warehouse I visited alongside France’s Foreign Minister last month.
Indeed, last Thursday, the UK led a session at the UN Security Council, encouraging a continued global focus on the protection of civilians in Gaza, including the need for action on polio.
And now, deeply worrying escalation in the West Bank as well as in Gaza with many communities facing rising settler violence amid an ongoing occupation.
And so many on either side of this terrible conflict convinced that the world does not grasp the reality of Israel’s predicament or the depth of Palestinian suffering.
Throughout my life, I have been a friend of Israel – a liberal, progressive Zionist, who believes in Israel as a democratic state and homeland for the Jewish people which has both the right to exist and defend itself but I believe also that Israel will only exist in safety and security if there is a two-state solution that guarantees the rights of all Israel’s Israeli citizens and of their Palestinian neighbours who have their own inalienable right to self-determination and security.
Mr Speaker, as concern at the horrifying scenes in Gaza has risen. many in this House as well as esteemed lawyers and international organisations have raised British arms export licensing to Israel.
After raising my own concerns from opposition, on taking office, I immediately sought an up-to-date the review. And on my first appearance as Foreign Secretary in this House …I committed to sharing the review’s conclusions.
We have rigorously followed every stage of the process which the previous Conservative government established. Let me first be clear on this Review’s scope.
This Government is not an international court. We have not – and could not – arbitrate on whether or not Israel has breached international humanitarian law.
This is a forward-looking evaluation, not a determination of innocence or guilt. And it does not prejudge any future determinations by the competent courts. But facing a conflict such as this, it is this Government’s legal duty to review export licences.
Criterion 2C of the Strategic Export Licensing Criteria states that the Government will “not issue export licences if there is a clear risk that the items might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law”.
It is with regret that I inform the House today, the assessment I have received leaves me unable to conclude anything other than that for certain UK arms exports to Israel there does exist a clear risk that they might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian law.
I have informed my Right Honourable Friend, the Business and Trade Secretary. And he is therefore today announcing the suspension of around 30, from a total of approximately 350 to Israel, as required under the Export Controls Act.
These include equipment that we assess is for use in the current conflict in Gaza, such as important components which go into military aircraft, including fighter aircraft, helicopters and drones, as well as items which facilitate ground targeting.
And For transparency, this government is publishing a summary of our assessment.
Today, I want to underline four points about these decisions.
First, Israel’s actions in Gaza continue to lead to immense loss of civilian life, widespread destruction to civilian infrastructure, and immense suffering.
In many cases, it has not been possible to reach a determinative conclusion on allegations regarding Israel’s conduct of hostilities, in part, because there is insufficient information either from Israel, …or other reliable sources to verify such claims.
Nevertheless, it is the assessment of His Majesty’s Government, that Israel could reasonably do much more to ensure lifesaving food and medical supplies reach civilians in Gaza – in light of the appalling humanitarian situation.
And this government is also deeply concerned by credible claims of mistreatment of detainees which the International Committee of the Red Cross cannot investigate after being denied access to places of detention.
Both my predecessor and all our major allies have repeatedly and forcefully raised these concerns with the Israeli government. Regrettably, they have not been addressed satisfactorily.
Second, there can be no doubt that Hamas pays not the slightest heed to international humanitarian law and endangers civilians by embedding itself in the tightly concentrated civilian population and in civilian infrastructure.
There is no equivalence between Hamas terrorists and Israel’s democratic government – or indeed, Iran and their partners and proxies.
But to licence arms exports to Israel, we must assess their compliance with international humanitarian law notwithstanding the abhorrence of their opponents’ tactics and ideology.
Third, this is not a blanket ban. This is not an arms embargo. It targets around 30 approximately of 350 licenses to Israel in total for items which could be used in the current conflict in Gaza.
The rest will continue.
Neither will the action we are taking have a material impact on Israel’s security.
This suspension only covers items which might be used in the current conflict. There are a number of export licences which we have assessed are not for military use in the current conflict and therefore do not require suspension.
These include items that are not being used by the Israel Defence Forces in the current conflict, such as trainee aircraft or other naval equipment.
These also include export licences for civilian use – covering a range of products such as food-testing chemicals, telecoms, and data equipment.
Nor will it prejudge the international collaboration, global F-35 programme that supplies aircraft for more than twenty countries – and that is crucial to wider peace and security.
Indeed, the effects of suspending all licences for the F-35 programme would undermine the global F35 supply chain that is vital for the security of the UK, our allies, and NATO.
Therefore, the Business and Trade Secretary has exempted these licences from his decision.
Fourth, the Government will keep our position under review.
Commitment to comply with international humanitarian law is not the only criterion in making export licensing decisions.
We will continue to work with our allies to improve the situation. And foreign policy of course involves tough choices.
But I will always seek to take such decisions in line with our principles – and I will keep this the House updated, in line with my previous commitment.
Mr Speaker, we do not take this decision lightly, but we note that on previous occasions Ministers from all sides of this House – Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat – chose not to licence exports to Israel.
In 1982, Margaret Thatcher imposed an arms embargo and oil embargo on Israel as they fought in Lebanon. onflicts in Gaza prompted Gordon Brown to suspend five licences in 2009 and Vince Cable chose not to issue new licences while conducting a review in 2014.
Like them, this government takes seriously its role in applying export licensing law reflecting the published criteria and the specific circumstances.
But let me leave this House in no doubt. The UK continues to support Israel’s right to self-defence in accordance with international law.
In April, British fighter jets intercepted Iranian missiles aimed at Israel, preventing significant loss of civilian life.
We supported robust action against the Iranian backed Houthis in Yemen, who have attacked Israel directly as well as Israeli-linked shipping.
And Iran should be in no doubt of our commitment to challenge their reckless and destabilizing activity, in the region and across the world.
We will continue to work hand-in-glove with our international partners, to stand up to Iranian aggression and malign activity – wherever it is find and whenever we see it.
We continue to hold Iran to account – including though extensive use of sanctions. And today, we are doing so again.
We are announcing new sanctions on four IRGC-Quds Force targets who have a role in supporting Iranian proxy actions in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon.
Through the UK’s dedicated Iran sanctions regime we have sanctioned over 400 Iranian individuals and entities.
And through our work with partners, we are exposing and containing Iran’s destabilizing weapons development, where soon, we will be introducing further regulations to bolster existing bans on the export of goods and technology significant to Iran’s production of drones and missiles.
So let me be clear – we will continue to work with Israel and our partners to tackle the threat from Iran across the region.
This government will continue to stand for Israel’s security. And we will always do so in a manner consistent with our obligations to domestic and international law.
Mr Speaker, I commend this statement to the House.
The Board of Deputies of British Jews commented last night:
